Manchin and Sinema are not the Obstacles to Voting Rights

I want to be abudantly clear about what happened last night. Democrats failed to pass voting rights, not because of Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema – both of whom supported the underlying bill – but because of Chuck Schumer. The truth is that the rule change Schumer put forward would have made almost no difference in Democrats’s ability to pass the Freedom to Vote: John R Lewis Act. As I’ve pointed out many times before, they can bring back the talking filibuster without a rule change and the only thing this rule would have done is it would have made amendments and motions nondebateable, so Senators would have been more easily able to enforce the “two-speech rule“– which says no Senator may speak more than twice on any question. After each Senator used up their two speeches, the chair could simply move to the question and the bill could be passed by a simple majority. But back of the napkin calculations however show how limited this change would have been. If all 50 Republican Senators spoke two times for six hours each, the Senate remaining in session 24/7, they could have held the floor for a total of 600 hours (25 days).

When Democrats put this rule before forward, they presented it as if it was the only way to bring back the talking filibuster, but as I noted earlier that simply is not true. Under current rules Schumer could have simply left the bill as the current pending business of the Senate. Republicans would be required to constantly hold the floor, otherwise the chair can simply move to the question and the bill can pass by a simple majority. This path wouldn’t be easy and there’s no guarantee of success. Republicans could keep their filibuster going indefinitely, in theory. But there’s reason to believe that they wouldn’t. Government funding runs our February 18th and forcing the government into a shutdown to block voting rights – in an election year no less – is not good politics. Pressure would build on them to eventually relent or at least come to the table and negotiate a compromise that can pass with 60 votes [the threshold to invoke cloture].

To those who say this strategy is impossible I ask, how do you think the Senate got things done before 1917? Before cloture was created the only way of ending debate was to simply wait until everyone who wanted to speak had spoken. Guess what? Bills still got passed. Even ones that were filibustered. Cloture added another tool to bring an end to debate but it isn’t the only tool. The original method still exists.

Democrats could have taken this path but they chose not to. Why? You would have to ask them. If I didn’t know any better I’d think they were using the failed cloture vote and the failed vote on rules change as an excuse for not passing voting rights, and using Sinema and Manchin as scapegoats. Make no mistake, I’m as frustrated as everyone else with Sinema and Manchin. I would like to see the filibuster abolished. But they’ve been clear for months now that that wasn’t going to happen, and that they would only support a smaller rules change if it had bipartisan support. Democrats could have forced Republicans into a talking filibuster. They chose not to. Manchin went so far as to make this point on the Senate floor yesterday. Here’s what he said:

“Here’s the good news. We don’t have to change the rules to make our case to the American people about voting rights, about the John Lewis. We don’t have to. We really don’t. Senator Schumer didn’t have to file cloture to cut off debate. He didn’t have to fill the Amendment tree to block Republican Amendments. We’re here. We could have kept voting rights legislation as the pending business for the Senate. Today, next week, a month from now. This is important. Let’s work it out. Let’s stay here and go at it.”

Joe Manchin (January 19, 2022)

You’re not going to hear many people (who aren’t Republicans) say this today but Joe Manchin is 100% correct. Democrats wanted to take the easy way out, but doing something this important isn’t supposed to be easy. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 was filibustered for 60 working days – the longest continuous filibuster in Senate history – but they eventually got it done because they were willing to put in the work. Today’s Democrats just don’t seem willing to put in the work.

While I’m dissapointed, I’m not surprised. After their failure to call witnesses at Trump’s second impeachment trial last year it became clear to me that Democrats’s love for democracy only goes so far as it helps them politically, and their willingness to shore up our institutions is directly analogous to how convenient it is for them. Maybe they’ll prove me wrong. Maybe they’ll make an actual serious attempt to pass voting rights. But from where I’m standing today it does not look like that is what happened yesterday and the person to blame is Chuck Schumer, not Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema.


I’d like to end though on a positive note. This failure is a bitter pill to swallow, but it’s important to note that it was not all for naught. As Ron Brownstein so elloquently pointed out in The Atlantic, we have moved the overton window on federal protections for voting rights and filibuster reform. A year ago we would have been lucky to get half of the Democratic caucus to agree to changing the rules. Last night we got 48 out of 50. This isn’t the end, it’s only the beginning.

Finally, the debate that happened in the Senate over the course of the last two days was incredibly refreshing and good for democracy. If you haven’t already, I recommend watching some of it. Each side made their arguments, both to each other and to the American people. Nothing was left unsaid. This is how our democracy is supposed to work. Here’s hoping the Senate can have more lively debates going forward so it can truly live up to it’s reputation as the, “World’s greatest deliberative body.”

And here’s hoping Chuck Schumer proves me wrong, and does what it takes to get the Freedom to Vote: John R Lewis Act passed and signed into law. As he said last night, “History is watching.”

Will 2022 be 2012 all Over Again?

In 2012 Democrats won the House popular vote by 1.17 million but Republicans won a 33 seat House majority. It was only the second time in 70 years that a party has won the popular vote but didn’t win a majority of the seats. This wasn’t an accident. In 2010, following their wave election, Republicans agressively gerrymandered the maps, resulting in the largest bias in the House in half a century. The median-district bias, which measures the difference between the popular vote and the vote in the median district was 5.5%. This means that Democrats would have had to win the popular vote by more than 5.5% in 2012 in order to win a majority of the seats. In 2016 Republicans also enjoyed a 5.5% median district bias, though at least this time they actually won the popular vote. To put that bias into perspective, it’s bigger than Trump’s electoral college advantage in both 2016 and 2020.

Another way of looking at it is to compare the percentage of the vote won to the percentage of seats won. This is called the “seat bonus bias.” In 2012 Republicans won 48% of the House vote but they won 53.6% of seats, giving them a seat bonus of 5.6%. That was the highest in two decades. Now, of course, some of this bias is due to geography, and Democrats being inefficiently clustered in big cities, but it’s worth nothing that just two years earlier, in 2010, when Republicans gave Obama and Democrats their famous “shellacking” their seat bonus was only 4.2%.

A seat bonus is not unusual. Generally whichever party wins the majority also tends to enjoy a seat bonus and the more you win by the larger your bonus, but that wasn’t the case in 2018. Despite Democrats’ “blue wave” Republicans still got a seat bonus of .4%. The median district bias was even worse that year. Democrats should count their lucky stars that they won the popular vote by 7.3%. Had they won it by 3.9% they likely would have lost the House. In 2020 Democrats finally enjoyed their first seat bonus of the decade. A whopping .4%.

Obama easily won in 2012 and Democrats actually gained seats in the Senate. The American people chose Democrats to control the House too but because of gerrymandering Republicans were able to hold onto their House majority. The rest is history. Instead of starting his second term with unified Democratic control, Obama spent his second term seeing his agenda frustrated by a unified Republican block.

Democrats have a decent chance of holding onto the Senate in 2022 – they will only be defending 14 seats compared to Republicans’ 20 – but the House is a different story. Since World War II the President’s party has lost seats in 17 of 19 midterms – an average loss of 27 seats a year. Democrats currently hold a four seat advantage in the House. Holding onto that slim majority is already going to be an uphill battle. It will become nearly impossible if Democrats allow Republican gerrymandering to go on unencumbered.

That’s why it seems insane to me that Democrats aren’t showing more urgency to get the Freedom to Vote Act passed, which would end partisan gerrymandering. There’s no hard and fast deadline for when the bill needs to get passed in order for it to effect 2022, but with maps already being enacted and the first primary coming up in March, the window is closing fast. If Democrats don’t act soon they’ll almost certainly lose their majority, and they’ll deserve it.

Pass the Freedom to Vote Act

Photo by Element5 Digital on Pexels.com

The Freedom to Vote Act comes up for a vote this Wednesday. A vote that is likely to fail to a Republican filibuster, after which, Democrats will have to choose whether to reform the filibuster in order to pass this legislation, or whether to let an undemocratic rule stand in the way of protecting democracy. To me it’s an easy choice. This legislation is more important than a Senate rule, especially one that has itself done much harm to our democracy. In fact, I would argue that the Freedom to Vote Act is the single most important piece of legislation in my lifetime. It shouldn’t be a priority of the Democratic majority it should be THE priority.

The Freedom to Vote Act makes voting easier and more accessible by requiring 15 days of early voting, including two weekends, vote-by-mail for all who want it, and minimum standards for ballot drop boxes, including requiring jurisdictions have at least one or 25% (whichever’s bigger) available 24/7. It would make election day a public holiday and restore voting rights to the formerly incarcerated after they’ve paid their debt to society.

Not only does the bill make it easier to vote, it also makes it easier to register to vote, requiring states allow automatic, same-day, and online voter registration. It strengthens voter list maintenance requiring states use “objective and reliable evidence” of a voter’s ineligibility before removing them from the rolls, not things like failure to vote or failure to return mail.

For those concerned about election integrity, there’s plenty in the bill for you too! The bill creates a national standard for states that require voter ID. It requires states use paper ballots that can be verified by voters so every vote has a paper trail. It also requires states perform reliable post-election audits and it provides grants for states to upgrade outdated election equipment and make improvements to cybersecurity.

The bill also goes further than the For the People Act by creating a judicial protection of the right to vote, and prohibiting governments from placing undue burdens on someone’s ablity to vote unless it furthers a significant government interest and is the least restrictive way of furthering that interest. This means that states could no longer place restrictions on voting based on hypothetical voter fraud, they would actually have to prove that fraud exists and that their restriction is the least restrictive way of combatting it.

The piece of the bill I’m most excited about is the fact that it would finally end partisan gerrymandering once and for all by making it illegal to draw a map with the intent or effect of unduly favoring or disfavoring a political party. It also creates clear judicial standards by which to prove something is an illegal partisan gerrymander and an expedited judicial process so maps can be struck down within weeks of enactment, not years.

Finally the bill prevents election subversion by insulating nonpartisan election administrators from partisan influence and protecting election workers from threats and intimidation.

There’s much more to the bill, including provisions that reduce he influence of big money and protect from foreign interference, but if you’re still reading I should count myself lucky and end here: Protecting democracy mean ensuring everyone can participate in that democracy. It means making sure voters choose their representatives, not the other way around. And it means when weaknesses are discovered, putting in meaningful guardrails to shore up our democracy and protect from those who wish to subvert it. There’s much more we need to do to protect our democracy, incuding passing the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act and updating the Electoral Count Act, but this bill is a huge step in the right direction.

For more information on the bill go to: https://bit.ly/freedomtovoteact

More Thoughts on the Freedom to Vote Act

This bill is even better than I thought! It would for the first time create a statuatory right to vote for every citizen of legal voting age in federal elections (yeah that’s not a thing yet) and it prohibits retrogression; that is, laws that make it harder to vote; unless the government can prove the law is the least restrictive means of furthering an important government interest. The bill also creates clear legal standards to be used for judicial review of retrogression cases.

Subtitle E of the Freedom to Vote Act


Essentially a person challenging a law must be able to prove by a preponderance of the evidence that the law makes it more difficult to vote while the government must demonstrate by clear and convincing evidence that the restriction is neccessary to further a significant government interest. Clear and convincing evidence is a higher standard of proof than preponderance of the evidence but not as far as the beyond a reasonable doubt. If the government meets that standard the law can still be overturned if a plaintiff can prove by a preponderance of the evidence that there is a less restrictive way of furthering said government interest.

What this means in human speak is that states can no longer pass voting restrictions using vague allusions to voter fraud. They would actually have to prove voter fraud and that the law is least restrictive way of combating it. This basically takes concepts from the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which protects members of a minority group, and applies them to “all citizens of legal voting age.” It also creates very clear standards for judicial review, as opposed to the incredibly vague Anderson-Burdick Doctrine judges have historically used to decide election cases, or the incredibly restrictive “guideposts” Alito created in his Brnovich decision, and finally it.

It’s long past time the right to vote for all citizens was enshrined in US law and long past time we had clear, consistent standards from which to judge voting rights cases. The For the People Act did neither of those things. The Freedom to Vote Act does both!

Initial Thoughts on the Freedom to Vote Act

Democrats today (or yesterday, depending on how long it takes me to write this) unveiled their long awaited voting rights compromise bill aptly called the Freedom to Vote Act. The bill is not as far-reaching as the For the People Act but goes farther than the proposal Manchin released in June. Frankly, it’s a lot bolder than I expected and would represent a huge step forward for our democracy.

The Freedom to Vote Act would require states provide automatic voter registration, online registration (yes, some states still don’t have that), and same-day registration. It requires states to allow vote-by-mail for all who want it, and prohibits requiring ID to vote-by-mail other than a signature or the last four digits of your social security number. It bans notarization requirements and witness signatures, which some states use to make vote-by-mail more onerous. It would require states accept absentee ballots postmarked by election day and would require states allow 3 days for voters to “cure” their ballots (this would neuter the new Texas law that requires missing signatures be cured by 7:00 pm on election day). The bill also requires 15 consecutive days of early voting (at least 10 hours per day) ending no sooner than the day before the election. It creates a minimum requirement for the number of ballot drop boxes in each jurisdiction and requires at least one or 25% of drop boxes (whichever’s greater) in a jurisdiction be accessible for 24 hours a day; directly rebutting Georgia’s law that limits the number of drop boxes and makes them only available during early voting hours.

As far as redistricting is concerned, the bill no longer requires independent redistricting commissions but it still includes a statuatory ban on partisan gerrymandering. It also includes what’s called a rebuttal presumption, which means that if anyone challenges a map as in violation of the act, a court must decide within 15 days whether a presumption of such a violation exists. If so, the court can keep the state from using the map pending further review. This section does two very important things. One is the fact that court cases tend to take time, and often by the time a map is struck down a number of elections have already taken place on that unfair map. Under this provision a court could bar a state from enacting a map within 15 days. The other thing it does is it buys Congress some time. The bill says that a challenge can be brought within 30 days of enactment of a map or enactment of the bill. That means that even if states have already enacted their maps before the the Freedom to Vote Act is passed, those maps could still be overturned quickly after the law is passed if they’re found to be in violation.

There’s also election security measures like requiring states to use paper ballots that can be verified by voters and requiring states conduct reliable election audits. The bill includes the DISCLOSE Act and HONEST ADS Act, which create new disclosure requirements for Super-PACs and online ads and, unlike the For the People Act, it includes text from the Preventing Election Subversion Act which bars states from removing local election officials for anything other than, “gross negligence, neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office.”

There’s much more to the bill. I suggest you read this summary here for more information or you can read the text of the bill here, but ultimately this bill trims the fat, gets rid of the more controversial stuff, keeps all the important stuff, and includes measures to protect against election subversion. It would make our democracy stronger, our elections more secure and would represent the largest expansion of the right to vote since the Voting Rights Act of 1965. It’s now it’s up to Democrats to get it over the finish line. God speed Joe Manchin. Good speed.

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